What was in this girl's mind that time?
Everything was denied for this little kid from parents to food. Unthinkable!!!
Family had become dysfunctional, so six years old kid forced to take care of her little sister in these horrendous circumstances?
Just no words to describe this!
These pictures can tell 1000s of the stories. Why I posted these images is just purely getting the word out that many families need your real help. It's not the time for arguing whose fault and what. And one thing is for sure that ultimate justice maybe delayed but won't be denied down the stretch.
51 comments:
I got first-hand information of few individuals how they got escaped and survived from SLA's massacre in Mulliyavaikal last year. I will post it within next few days.
Very good pictures !!
Where did you get them ?
The Sri Lanka Air Force is stealing Tamil Homelands natural recourses.
The Sri Lanka Air Force are carrying out mining and quarrying operations at a site within the High Security Zone (HSZ) in Keerimalai, in Jaffna without permits
According to Anil Pieris, Deputy Director Mines, GSMB, no one has as yet applied for a mining licence, or requested for a quarry permit for any mining project to be carried out in Keerimalai.
This was confirmed by GSMB Regional Office in Jaffna.
“I have requested all parties interested in carrying out quarrying and mining activity in the area to obtain the necessary permits from the GSMB, prior to commencing work, as we need to preserve the environment and our quarries as far as possible,” said District Secretary (GA), Jaffna, K. Ganesh.
SRI LANKA: How genuine will be the proposed Commission for Reconciliation?
Already comments can be made about some of the names that have been published as possible commissioners in this latest commission. One is a former Attorney General who also has a long record in the Attorney General’s Department. His own past is connected to the exercise of denial on the part of the state. He has represented the Sri Lankan government before UN commissions with the specific purpose of denying everything and as a result there has not been an attempt to deal with the required openness of the issues of such great importance to the country. Also in the case of the killing of the Tamil prisoners in 1983 during the July riots, when the inquiries were undertaken he played a role which came under serious criticism.
What should be looked into seriously is whether in the past they have been employed for the purpose of engaging in the exercise of denial or whether they have the credentials of being able to deal with justice in the manner that is required by the norms and standards on which truth and justice is based.
Is this a genuine attempt to deal with the conflict and the wrongdoings that have taken place with the intention of learning the lessons and taking steps towards corrective actions? Or, will this be yet another exercise in denial and an attempt to suppress the search for truth and the possibilities of developing initiatives for dealing with the wounds suffered by society.
One way of looking into the question of credibility would be to go into the past experiences and apply the test of learning from these experiences. It has been pointed out almost universally by local sources as well as by international opinion that the attempts made so far by the Sri Lankan governments under the titles of ‘commissions’ did not have the genuine intention of achieving those aims. In fact, the experience is that these commissions were attempts at evasion and exercises in denial.
Unidentified men arriving in a van forcibly took away a family woman Tuesday morning as she was returning along Karaveddi Sampanthar shop area after having taken her son to school, sources in Vadamaraadchi said. The abductors had attacked the woman with the intention of killing her and dumped her among the shrubs in a deserted area in Valvai where Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers are on patrol. Meanwhile, a teenage girl student had managed to escape from abductors with injuries Tuesday in Point Pedro in Vadamaraadchi while some men had tried to abduct a young woman in front of Jaffna Teaching Hospital as she was coming out of the hospital after treatment, sources in Jaffna said.
Jaffna peninsula people are gripped in shock and fear of continuing abductions, killings and sexual abuse of women alleged to be carried out by paramilitary men collaborating with Sri Lanka Military Intelligence wing, the sources added.
The woman left among the shrubs in Valvai is identified as S. Lankathevi, 37.
Point Pedro police recovered her unconscious on being informed by someone who happened to see her dumped among the shrubs. She was admitted to Jaffna Teaching Hospital and her condition is said to be critical.
The girl student who had escaped in Point Pedro is Shanmgarasa Anushika, 18. She was walking along the street near Vadamaraachchi Hindu Ladies’ College when the abductors forcibly took her in their vehicle.
Anushika was assaulted but managed to jump off the vehicle with serious injuries and was rescued by public who had gathered at the spot. She is admitted to Manthikai government hospital.
Jaffna police arrested two suspects who had tried to abduct the young woman coming out of Jaffna Teaching Hospital Tuesday.
Meanwhile, a boy from Jaffna suspected abducted was rescued by Vavuniyaa police Tuesday while he was wandering in the streets of Vavuniyaa.
Police brought him to Jaffna Tuesday.
The US government has welcomed President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s intention to establish a Commission on Lessons Learned and Reconciliation to examine key aspects of the recently ended conflict in Sri Lanka and added that the findings of the commission should be made public.
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IC turn a blind eye to the brutal suppression and oppression of defenceless men, women and children in the Tamil Homelands
President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Commission on Lessons Learned and Reconciliation will ultimately report that there are no culprits.
That’s Sri Lanka!!!!!
Arbour for independent war-crimes inquiry in Sri Lanka
Louise Arbour, president of the NGO International Crisis Group (ICG) and former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “will examine these allegations [of war crimes in Sri Lanka] and make the case for an independent international inquiry as a necessary step in making Sri Lanka’s tenuous and bitter peace more just and sustainable,” said a note sent to the invitees for a conference on “War Crimes in Sri Lanka” to be held Monday at the premises of the event’s joint sponsor, Chatham House, London.
17th May falls on the first anniversary of the end of fighting in Sri Lanka when the Liberation Tigers’ military leadership fought to death in the battle fields in Mullaitheevu shores.
Nearly 40,000 civilians were killed during the last 5 months of fighting according a former UN spokesperson.
Louis Arbour, President of ICG”The Sri Lankan security forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) repeatedly violated international humanitarian law during the last five months of their 30-year civil war. Although both sides committed atrocities throughout the conflict, there are credible accusations that the scale and nature of violations grew much worse from January 2009 to the government’s declaration of victory in May,” the note to the invitees further said.
Arbour is intimately familiar with Sri Lanka’s history, war and the human rights situation that has been deteriorating for several years.
“Weakness of the rule of law and prevalence of impunity is alarming in Sri Lanka where critical elements for the protection of Human Rights have been undermined or compromised despite the existence of much of the necessary human rights institutional infrastructure,” Arbour said in concluding her five-day mission to Sri Lanka in October 2007.
During the same visit, highlighting the reluctance of Sri Lanka in ratifying the Rome Treaty, Arbour said, “[i]n light of the documented violations of international humanitarian law, Sri Lanka should seriously consider joining the 105 countries which have ratified the Rome Treaty creating the International Crime Court.”
A day before the 2002 Ceasefire Agreement in Sri Lanka was terminated by Colombo on the 16th January 2008, Louise Arbour, reminded the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of their obligations under international law to respect human rights. She warned that rights abuses “by any party could entail individual criminal responsibility under international criminal law, including by those in positions of command.”
Sri Lanka’s diplomatic mission to the UN, rejected Arbour’s comments as “pathetically unenforceable threats,” and added that Sri Lanka “will not be deterred by thinly veiled threats attempting to undermine the morale of its military, deter its military campaigns and save separatist terrorism from elimination.”
Timed to coincide with the anniversary of the end of Sri Lanka’s war, and the conclusion of parliamentary elections in Britain, ICG’s conference comes in the wake of an announcement in Sri Lanka that Rajapakse is appointing a “Commission on Lessons Learned and Reconciliation,” an attempt widely believed to be a ruse to deflect pressure from the international community for an independent investigation.
Sri Lanka is now internationally recognized as one of the most horrific sites of genocide in human history.
A former UN official, Gordon Wise who worked in Sri Lanka with detail knowledge says close to 40,000 Tamil civilians have been slaughtered and tens of thousands have been injured including many thousands of children in the final days of the war in May last year
. The Sri Lankan armed forces widely accused of intentionally killing civilians by targeting religious places, schools and hospitals.
War crimes, dire violation of humanitarian and human rights laws have systematically taken place against the Tamil minority with the direct and in-direct blessing of the Sri Lankan government.
Sri Lanka so far not demonstrated it is serious about complying with the international norms on the issues of war crimes, violation of humanitarian and human rights laws.
Still, 100,000 Tamil civilians including thousands children are being locked up without basic needs with limited access to the aid workers and independent media by the current regime.
Even if the President honours his promise to the Indian premier by appointing a ‘Experts Panel’ happens, it too will be nothing more than a politico-diplomatic sleight of hand, a sop to Delhi and a ploy to regain GSP+, without making any real concessions to the Tamils.
If the President is the appointing authority, the panel can be stocked with ‘ethnic problem deniers’, rendering a concrete result endemically impossible. If it is to be an ‘all party affair’, the Rajapakses will use the UPFA nominees to delay and subvert it. Even if a concrete result does emerge, the President can reject it, as he rejected the sensible and forward looking set of proposals made by the Experts Panel of the APC (many of us, being ‘young and foolish’ – ignorant in the ways of the Rajapakses – believed in the APC then, and welcomed the Majority Report of its Experts Panel enthusiastically).
It is illogical to expect any real devolution of power to happen under the Rajapakses. There is a symbiotic relationship between the Ruling Family and Sinhala racism .
Sinhala racism provided the Rajapakses with an attractive mantle for their naked power agenda via patriotism.
And by attaching themselves to the Rajapakse Juggernaut, Sinhala racists in turn gained more power and influence than they ever had, including in 1956.
Australia must ratify Tamil referendum results: Greens MLA
Citing the overwhelming consensus for independence as expressed by the Australia’s Tamil Diaspora in the recent Tamil Referendum on independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam, Greens Member of the Legislative Assembly for the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) Ms. Amanda Bresnan, who witnessed the referendum as an observer, has urged the Australian government to ratify the results, also citing the overwhelming support in similar referendums held across Europe and Canada. The referendum is “to reaffirm the political aspirations of the Tamils in the isle of Sri Lanka, that the opinion of Tamils living overseas can be used to determine the political solution to ethnic conflict, that the results be taken to governments and international bodies and that this bring about national and global solidarity amongst Tamils and bring consensus on the national question” she said.
Full text of Amenda's address in the Legislative Assembly follows:
Amenda Bresnan, Member of the ACT Legislative AssemblyI would like to briefly mention that on Sunday, 18 April, I attended, as an observer, the ACT booth for the Tamil referendum, where Tamils living in Australia were asked to vote on whether they aspire for the formation of an independent Tamil homeland in the north and east of Sri Lanka. At least 10,000 Tamils turned out for this vote. Dr Sam Pari from the Australian Tamil Congress said that, whilst the result will have little political significance, it will serve as a tool to show the world that Tamils living overseas support the cause of Tamil independence.
The provisional results from Australia were that 99.4 per cent voted yes to the referendum. The referendum has been held successfully in other countries, including Norway, France, Canada, Netherlands, Switzerland, Germany and the United Kingdom. Again, in these countries more than 99 per cent voted yes and a further five countries will be conducting a referendum in the next few months. The UK government has formally recognised the result of the referendum for the UK; so it would be good to see the Australian government do the same thing for the Tamil people living in Australia.
The referendum this year is based on the Vadukkoddai resolution, which was a landmark decision made by Tamil political parties in 1976 to reclaim their traditional homeland and exercise their right to sovereignty. What they hope to achieve through the referendum this year, obviously by showing that there is the vast majority of support amongst Tamils living overseas or independents, is to reaffirm the political aspirations of the Tamils in the isle of Sri Lanka, that the opinion of Tamils living overseas can be used to determine the political solution to ethnic conflict, that the results be taken to governments and international bodies and that this bring about national and global solidarity amongst Tamils and bring consensus on the national question.
As I noted, I do hope that the Australian government follows in the footsteps of the UK government and officially recognises and supports the results of the referendum in Australia. I wish all the Tamil community success with further referendums that they run across the world.
The Indian government has called upon Sri Lanka to ensure effective measures to devolve power to the provinces to contain “fissiparous forces.”
Indian foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said : “Political settlement of course is not a zero-sum game. It need not and should not come at a cost of another.”
She said the 13 amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution was designed to provide considerable devolution of powers to the provinces.
“The amendment is gained broad acceptance and has become the fulcrum around which the provincial administration revolves. There is consequently need to strengthen and empower these provinces further.”
There are some issues. So that has to be some issues like the police powers, how to implement that, land powers, how to implement that still we are working through that. And you need to have a responsible leadership in the provinces to absorb powers said Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to India, Prasad Kariyawasam
People who are members of a Diaspora in any particular country maintain relationship among themselves, as well as with people in their land of origin and with parts of the Diaspora in other countries.
Their lifestyle is not confined to the borders of their host country and, indeed, they establish themselves as a transnational society.
While complying with the laws of the host country, the transnational social space is the factor that animates their political, social and economic ties and interests.
In effect, it is not just the Diaspora living overseas who seeks to maintain the relationship with those in the homeland.
The Tamils remaining in the homeland also actively work to preserve the transnational relationship.
Thus, the people of Tamil Eelam are also an active part of the transnational social space. In fact, these are two sides of the same coin.
The Tamils’ own national politics is no longer confined to the NorthEast region, but extends into the transnational social space.
Hence, contemporary Tamil nationalism is one that encourages multiple and transnational identities, and is diversified, inclusive, socially beneficial and based on democratic principles.
The integration of the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora is a given fact.
Not only is there social interaction between the various Diaspora communities-–and this arises not only because families have been split- but the interaction at other levels such as the political level has been necessary to meet the continued repression of the Tamils in Sri Lanka as well as the international propaganda by the Sri Lankan state justifying such repression.
Objective of Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam
(1) The situation of the Tamil people in camps and other forms of detention, and issues such as the killing, torture and rape of Tamil civilians;
(2) The protection of the lands in the areas the Tamils have traditionally inhabited in the Northern and Eastern parts of the island of Sri Lanka, especially in terms of ownership, colonization, demographic change and militarization. Such issues include the urgent needs to address the ecology, environment and sanitation of Tamil lands;
(3) The urgent need to protect natural and productive resources such as water resources, agricultural lands, fisheries resources, forestry and mineral deposits;
(4) Education of Tamil children and youth;
(5) The protection of Tamil language, culture and identity;
(6) The urgent need to address war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide to ensure that these gross violations against the individual and community on account of Tamil ethnicity never occur again; laws are respected and the guilty are brought to justice;
(7) The adoption of basic international documents, treaties and processes relating to human rights and humanitarian law, as well as those concerned with international cooperation as envisioned in the Charter of the United Nations;
(8) Committing the TGTE to the establishment of a secular and democratic State with full regard to instilling communal harmony.
Formation of a Provisional Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam
The report first provides the context in which the endeavour to form the Provisional Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam arose. The initiative for Transnational Government is rationalized on the lack of political space for the Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka to articulate their political aspirations and realize their right to self-determination and exercise their sovereignty. The theoretical underpinnings of Transnationalism under the proposed Transnational Government are discussed. The task envisioned for the Transnational Government, the procedure for the formation of the Transnational Government, the guiding principles, the shape of the Transnational Assembly and benefits of direct voting are discussed. The report emphasizes the participation of youth and women. In connection with the formation of the TGTE, the report deals with the establishment of election commission, country working groups, voter’s eligibility, candidate’s eligibility and the proposed mode of operation. The report also discusses the potential for the TGTE to emerge as a power centre, its relationship to existing and emerging organizations, and the strategy to engage the international community. Special emphasis is placed on the relationship with Muslim people. The changing dynamics of the geopolitical situation in South Asia is also addressed. The report concludes with a set of guiding principles which the Advisory Committee believes should be included in the Constitution and provide direction to the TGTE.
Slaughter of Tamil Children
Lest We Forget: Children affected by Genocidal War Crimes of Colombo.
Tamils all over the world mark 18 May as Genocidal War Crimes Day, observing one year remembrance of thousands who perished in the war, waged by the Sri Lankan state and its abettors, on the de-facto state of Tamil Eelam. Despite its repeated pledges to the International Community, the Sri Lankan state and its military machine vowing to erase 'separatism demand' from Tamils for generations to turn heavy arms on civilian population, claiming the lives of thousands of children and women in addition to depriving them of food, medicine and medical evacuation on time. The conduct of the Sri Lankan state, which disregarded all norms of humanity in the war, has posed a civilisational question, and justice remains undelivered.
The Tamil humanitarian worker, who took the photographs, has fled the island after witnessing the last stages of the war.
Damilvany Gnanakumar, a biomedicine graduate Eezham Tamil of British citizenship, who witnessed the war and now a key witness to the civilian loss, is seen treating a wounded civilian in the first photo:
http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=31753
Prageeth during the period of the war did search for information on the use of chemical weapons by the Govt. and the LTTE .
In the world wars ,to what extent are the use of chemical weapons allowed; Has the govt. or the LTTE exceeded its limits in the use of these chemical weapons?
When and where did that happen?
Pargeeth was collecting this information. In this connection , Prageeth had delivered a lecture to members of the party of Wickremabahu Karunaratne.
He had been forwarding to me all the information he had been garnering from time to time.
Meanwhile , the Defense Secretary had ordered the CID to summon me to the fourth floor to conduct an investigation against me regarding an article which was published in our website.
There, I was interrogated for over 8 hours.
When I was leaving the Police Headquarters, a Lawyer and an Army officer known to me were there to meet me.
We call this Army officer as ‘Major Kumara’. The latter had been in Vauniya for war operations, and has been furnishing information on the war front to me.
I came to know him through the Lawyer with whom he came to meet me. The Lawyer was appearing for a case of the Major.
The Major had come to Colombo in connection with the case.
After the Lawyer’s inquiries , we went to another place where I was startled by what the Major related.
He said , he was in charge of the stores where there were weapons.
Some bullets which were there for use were removed and were being filled with special chemicals .
When ten of these bullets are being fired, 3 or 4 of them are chemical laden bullets, he told.
When I inquired from him whether the frontline soldiers are aware of this, he said, those soldiers do not know.
Answering my question as to what damage such chemical bullets can cause, he replied, barriers which obstruct advance get destroyed and all those in the area meet with death.
I introduced Prageeth who is searching for information on chemical weapons to the Major some days later , because the Major can be useful for Pradeep in his searches
Prageeth is not the first individual who had disappeared in Colombo.
But, he is the first journalist of the Sinhala race to have suffered that fate.
The era of killing journalists must have secretly headed in the direction of abduction era.
It is this Rajapkse administration which has won a trophy for disappearances of civilians.
If the numbers of disappearances are known , that alone is proof. In Colombo alone there had been nearly 600 disappearances.
Then , in the whole Island , how many more could have disappeared ?
Our Lanka e news website ahs published the names , addresses, the place of abduction etc. in detail from time to time .
Because the 600 who disappeared are Tamils and Muslims , the Sinhala people have been made to make it a habit to say they are ‘Tigers’ or ‘ it is alright, after all it is they’.
If there were 600 Tigers in Colombo , there should have been 24 of their platoons .
What couldn’t they have done in the city of Colombo ?
These are utter falsehoods.
Many of those who disappeared are innocent youngsters..
Where are those groups who abducted them and demanded extortions?
Sinhalese military-run internment camps.
The UN, INGOS and other relief organizations and journalists have been barred from free access to these internment camps.
These civilians are imprisoned as a collective punishment solely on account of their Tamil nationality.
The conditions are dire in the camps.
The UK’s Channel 4 News reported that “shocking claims have emerged, shortages of food and water, dead bodies left where they have fallen, women separated from their families and even sexual abuse.
Though a substantial number of people were allowed to go ‘free’ from the internment camps in the last wew weeks following internal and external pressures, those released have been living under constant fear and without the basic facilities for human existence.
They have not been meaningfully resettled or permitted to return to their original homes.
Those Tamils who live outside the camps hardly fare better in terms of their safety and well-being.
The NorthEast, the traditional homeland of Tamils, is swarming with military personnel and camps and is effectively an occupied territory.
The South of the island is under the control of a Sinhalese nationalist government, and the Tamils who live there are viewed as a security threat
The faces on those victims are etched with the same pain as the victims of LTTE suicide bombers... tragedy plays no favourites when it comes to the slaughter of people and how it effects any decent person.
I see you guys are still in the business of propaganda, hyperbole and denial.
Time to wise up.
A year later and what have the Diaspora done to be a help to the victims of the war?
Have they directed a years worth of money that otherwise would have been spent on the weapons of war towards NGO programmes that help feed and house those in need?
Have the fund-raisers stopped extorting businessmen and individuals or ceased in other illegal activities?
Who among the Diaspora is setting a good example of moderate and acceptable tactics that can actually bring relief to affected Tamils in Sri Lanka?
You folks here represent failure and prefer to revel in that shallow pool of self-pity.
If the Diapsora want to help I suggest they get off their asses and their heads out of said asses.
There are many problems that will only be solved by people willing to accept the realities on the ground and those realities have nothing to do with a Tamil homeland on Sri Lankan soil.
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Who fund this misery, it is you tamil die-ass-pora. Wake up from your dreams, there is no buyers for your dreams in lanka after 18 May 2009.
Vanni in the year after war: Tears of despair and fear
On most occasions as we turned from the A9 road or from the Mannar – Medwachiya road to go interior villages, it seemed to arouse suspicion and curiosity in soldiers. Familiar questions of earlier years, such as “where are you going?” “why are you going?” “who are you” were thrown at us. Our response that we are going to visit friends didn’t appear to be a satisfactory answer. In the Vanni, it seems to be considered something abnormal and suspicious to visit friends!
My Tamils friends from the North found these questions offensive.
“This is our land, our people are living here, these soldiers are from outside, how dare they ask us all these questions and stop us? Why can’t I visit my place? Why can’t I visit my relatives and friends? Why can’t I invite friends (meaning me)?” were the angry and frustrated refrain I was to hear often from my friends.
Most of my friends were Christian priest and sisters, some of them were going to their own places, own land and houses. Places they had grown up, and their families had been living and still lived. These were also areas where they had served their religious and social ministries and their colleagues were now living and working in very difficult circumstances.
The fact that I was Sinhalese from Colombo seemed to arouse further suspicions and curiosity amongst the soldiers.
We asked why they were trying to stop us from visiting, especially as these were areas formally declared as areas cleared of land mines and people were already living there.
“We don’t know, we just follow orders” was the inevitable response. Some of the soldiers were apologetic. On several occasions, it was mentioned that we have to get permission from the Ministry of Defense or that we should go to a nearby Brigade Headquarters and get special permission or a pass.
My friends and I tried to maintain our composure and sometimes soldiers at the check points tried to help us by contacting their superiors while we waited patiently. Some occasions, soldiers did their best to sooth our frustration by offering us chairs, chatting to us and giving us tips about how bad the roads were! I didn’t think they had anything else to offer. On one occasion, we waited for about 30 minutes near Paranthan on the A9 road and one solider rode on a bicycle to inform the checkpoint that the commander had given a special permission for us to proceed to Uruthirapuram. On another occasion, me and a priest friend from Mannar waited in vain in the hot sun for about an hour at the Mankulam junction check point awaiting permission to visit the recently returned people in Oddusudan. The permission never came and we left the embarrassed and apologetic soldiers at the checkpoint and turned back. On yet another occasion, we waited patiently at a barrier in Vattapalai in the Mullativu district for about 30minutes, again while the officer on duty contacted his superiors and that superiors contacted his superior. We wanted to proceed to Killinochi through the shortest road through Puthukudiruppu that we learnt was already open, but not for civilians. Permission never came and we finally turned back and took the longer route through Mankulam. When we turned back and went, some officers on duty offered to call us on our mobile phones if they did get permission from their superiors to allow us through, but we never got a call. On several other occasions, the soldiers or officers at the checkpoints consented to allow us to proceed after some initial hesitation.
Anyways, like we did with the LTTE during the time they were in control of the Vanni and restricting travel to Mullativu and other interior villages, my friends and I did manage to negotiate with those trying to stop us and visit our friends in the interior villages.
http://www.groundviews.org/2010/05/26/vanni-in-the-year-after-war-tears-of-despair-and-fear/
On most roads inside the Vanni, whether on the A9 or interior roads, I felt as if we were travelling within a military camp. Military camps and check posts were along all the roads.
In Pooneryn, the main road literally ran through a newly built Army camp. In several other places including the A9 road, army camps occupied the main tarred road and we as civilians were forced to take a roundabout route, on muddy dusty makeshift pathways. In the more bushy and jungle areas, sign boards on the roadside indicated military camps inside the jungles.
Soldiers were everywhere with uniforms and with weapons. Some soldiers were in civil but were easily identifiable through the gun on their shoulders, even as they were walking or riding their bicycles. Other soldiers were relaxing, playing cricket and bathing in small streams. The buildings that were in the best conditions were all military and police structures. I could very well empathize with what one elderly gentleman in Mulangavil told me; “it looks as if it’s their (military) land and we are strangers, while the truth is they are occupying our land”.
The huge military presence, with past experiences of abuses, has caused deep rooted fear amongst many of civilians I spoke to. “We are scared to have young girls and boys walk around in the dark” one mother told us.
Catholic sisters who had gone to be with the people had sent additional reinforcements, as they didn’t want sisters to be alone.
“I was accused several times by the Army intelligence of being in the LTTE. Another boy was also accused. The Army had also told a villager that I would be taken away. I’m scared and don’t go anywhere alone” was what one man in Kathalampiddy, close to Vidathalthivu told us. “Although only two people had been threatened, the whole village is now scared” another woman from the village told us.
“Will the Army leave soon?” one anxious young man asked me, to which I had no answer.
“In front of our own eyes, and inside our premises, the army was touching a young girl…so what would happen if we are also not there” one Catholic sister asked me when I met her in the Vanni.
Amidst the huge military presence, one lady was raped in newly resettled area of Alkataveli, close to Adampan and north of Mannar and one person was killed in Killinochi. The checkpoint and soldiers with their guns had been unable to prevent or bring perpetrators to justice. An incident of sexual abuse by a soldier in Nachikuda was narrated to me. I heard of other incidents of rape, sexual abuse, killings, but could not get confirmation.
Two young female students we spoke to complained that they felt they were being harassed by regular requests to see identity cards as they cycle to school in nearby Illupaikadavai. “They don’t ask the boys, they only ask girls, even when they know we don’t have identity cards at our age, and they know who we are."
Happy to be back…but incomplete return
Most of the people I met would start conversations with bright smiles, saying they are happy to be back in their own land, despite all they have lost and the adverse circumstances.
But as we continued to listen to them and be with them, we would often be left speechless and helpless, as tears welled up in their eyes.
Most families had returned incomplete. Not just without properties, but also without their loved ones who had been killed, missing and detained.
Discriminating the dead
Many of the people I met in Vanni had parents, children, brothers and sisters, grandparents and other close family members killed during the final months of the war in 2009. It almost seemed normal and inevitable in most of the villages I visited in Vanni.
Since 2006, I had met families of Sinhalese killed in claymore attacks, suicide bombings by LTTE in rural villages such as Kebidogollwe, Moneragela. The sorrow I experienced with them and with the Tamils in Vanni was not very different. The tears and sorrow didn’t seem to have an ethnic dimension.
But how the society and government deal with these certainly seems to be on ethnic lines.
Society and the government had been quick to condemn killings by the LTTE and mourn with the grieving families. Sinhalese people killed by claymore attacks, suicide bombings had got death certificates, compensation from government and even business groups. They all had funerals, often with media coverage, even state patronage. I had seen these on TV, in newspapers, and saw and heard from family members and villagers. I felt these were some basic measures, even though we all know lives lost can never be compensated.
But there seems to be a reluctance of Sri Lankan society and the government to mourn and grieve with the Tamils who had lost thousands of loved ones within a few months. The large number of Tamils killed don’t have death certificates, no compensation, no funerals. “We had no time to mourn, leave alone a funeral. We had to run over the dead bodies, just to save our own lives” one woman whose two children were killed told us.
“About 25 have been killed in this Grama Seweka division. I can easily collect the details of those who have been killed in the village, witnesses etc., and assist people to get death certificates and compensation. But I have not got any instructions from the government. I think the government wants to cover up that so many people were killed. Im scared to do anything by myself as I might fall into trouble” said one Gramw Seweka in a village in Manthai West division when I asked him about this.
I tried to find out procedures for obtaining death certificates, but was not successful. In the Vidathalthivu area, I was told there was a mobile clinic to issue birth and death certificates, but that all applications for death certificates were rejected
Families of those killed were not the only ones who were crying.
Many didn’t know where their loved ones were living or dead. And if they are living, where they are. Most had seen their children, husband, brother etc., go off with the army. Subsequently, they had searched in IDP camps, detention centres, hospitals, with relatives. Except few, many had failed to find their loved ones.
“I live crying everyday, and searching for my 3rd son. He was injured and taken to a hospital by the armed forces. I heard that he was in Mannar hospital and I went there. With help of Police there, I could find the name of my son on the register. I was told by the hospital that the Army had taken him away after getting him discharged. But I couldn’t find the Army officers who had taken him. I can’t find my son. Who will find my son? There are so many mothers and fathers in this situation. Can those who have elections find our children?” was what a mother from Krishnapuram told us.
In April, I and some friends joined an 67 year old man now in Zone 4 of Menik Farm IDP camp (Chettikulam, Vauniya district) to find his missing son. We went to Padaviya hospital where the son had been admitted after being evacuated from the Vanni by the ICRC in March 2009. Padaviya hospital records showed that the son, who was mentally retarded and unable to walk, was indeed admitted and had been transferred to Vavuniya hospital. When we came to Vavuniya hospital, there are no records of such a person being admitted.
Many others I met had similar stories.
In every village, I would also meet people whose children and family members are being detained, for almost a year and some for many years. They have not been charges in court of law. And have limited access to friends, family and no access to ICRC and lawyers.
“I have come back to my village. I could probably build my house. But my son is a prisoner. I don’t know when he will be allowed to come home. First the LTTE took him and now the Army has taken him. How can I be happy at coming back when my son is still a prisoner and I don’t know what will happen to him” asked a mother with tears in her eyes.
Each time I visit the office of the National Human Rights Commision (NHRC) in Jaffna and Vavuniya, I run into anxious families, glancing through the list the NHRC had displayed. This list has a round one thousand names of people being detained in Boosa detention camp and elsewhere. But the governments officials have claimed over 10,000 are detained in Vavuniya alone. Many thousands more are in detention facilities all over the country.
But these helpless families don’t have access to a centralized list with any government or independent agency, to check and see whether their children or loved ones are in any official detention facility.
Fear of Sinhalese domination
In the interiors of Vanni, I could see many sign boards in Sinhalese. Despite the fact that almost all the civilians in Vanni are Tamil speaking now, Tamil language was visibly absent in many sign boards.
Some places and names had been given new Sinhalese names by the military. As I took a photo of a signboard in Sinhalese marked “Ali handiya” (meaning elephant junction) Along the Mankulam – Mullativu road, an army officer rushed to stop us and asked us why were taking photographs. We asked in turn about this board. “The Tamil name is too long and complicated, so when we took control of this area, we put this name, as this is much easier for us” was his explanation. My friend from Mullativu was inside the van, but kept quiet, but he couldn’t hide his anger and hurt afterwards.
Some of the signboards in Sinhalese are those with names of Sinhalese soldiers. Gamini Kularatne Mawatha in Pampaimottai and Ranawiru Abeysundara Mawatha in Kalliyadi are examples. When I asked a villager what this meant, he said he thought it was their village name written in Sinhalese, and was shocked when I told him that it was not the village name, but a Sinhalese soldier’s name.
At the Mankulam junction on the A9 road, there is a signboard in all three languages. But in addition to the usual and accepted Sinhalese names, the board also mentions older Sinhalese names. “This is an attempt to show that these lands are Sinhalese lands” one Tamil priest told me.
Foremost place to Buddhism even in Hindu and Christian villages
A striking feature along the A9 road, in the Killinochi town is the large arch proclaiming “May Buddhism shine”. From what I understood from the civilians I spoke to, vast majority of the civilians were Hindus and a significant number Christian. However, there were of course no arches or boards proclaiming “May Hinduism shine” or “May Christianity shine”. The Lumbini Viharaya, the Buddhist shrine in Killinochi town was spick and span and was obviously being given a lot of attention.
Compared to this, the Hindu kovils and Christian churches were visibly in bad shape, some were abandoned and buildings damaged.
Along the A9 road and the smaller roads in the interior villages, new and shining Buddhist monuments and statutes were visible. All of these were villages with large majority of Hindu and Christian civilian populations. I saw soldiers cleaning up an area in Mankulam with a Bo Tree, probably to put up ayet another Buddha statue.
There was even a Buddhist dagaba in the premises of a Catholic Church which was occupied by the Army when I first visited Manthai West AGA division in Mannar district, immediately after people were allowed to go back. 09.
I have a lot of respect for Buddhism. But I wonder why Buddhism has to given such a prominent in villages where the civilian population is predominantly Hindu and Christian? Is it because our constitution has a clause saying “foremost place to Buddhism”? Or to show that Buddhism is the religion in Sri Lanka and people in Vanni had better learn to accept it now?
New monuments for the Army and destruction of dead Tamil militants cemeteries
Along the A9 road such as in Killinochi and Elephant pass as well as in interior villages such as Pooneryn, there were monuments built by the military. These symbolize victory for the military and the government, but for most of the Tamils I spoke to these monuments symbolize domination of their lands by the Army. And glorification of a war that killed and injured thousands of their loved ones.
There were no monuments for the thousands of Tamil civilians who were killed and went missing in the war. I asked many times, in many places from many people about any monuments to remember the thousands of Tamil civilians killed and gone missing, but there were none.
Making this worse is the destruction of cemeteries with dead LTTE cadres by the Army. I saw at least one in Vanni, while I had seen such destructions in Jaffna as well. Despite it’s brutality and record of violence & killings, the LTTE had a tradition of respecting it’s dead cadres and this had provided family members and friends to visit the graves of their loved ones and conduct religious and cultural rituals, especially on special days such as birthday and day of death. Now, family members are compelled to gaze emptily at gravel heaped together.
Re-displacement and occupation of land by Army
In my most recent visit to the Vanni, earlier this week, I went to Eechalavakai, along the Periyamadu Road from Vidathalthivu, in the Mannar district. There, I met some people who were still living in tents in a common village land as displaced persons. Amongst them was a 10 day old infant.
“We were told by the Divisional Secretary that we can go back to our lands. So we came from the camps. But when we came and started to clean up the land, the land we have been living for more than 25 years, the Army came and told us to go away. When we asked why, they told us that they are going to take our land for a Army Camp” one villager told us.
Later, we were shown their lands, in nearby Sannar, where notices were pinned to trees saying “This land is reserved for Army”
Houses
Most of the houses had been damaged. Most people I met were living in temporary make shifts tents built with canvas and tin sheets provided with foreign aid. Many more were living in makeshift houses that were damaged. When I first visited Adampan, some people were living in a church.
We also saw a number of houses destroyed. Some were totally destroyed and will have to be built from scratch. Others were partly destroyed, but parts still standing.
I was told by people that while some houses were damaged during actual warfare. In case of other houses, people had just abandoned their houses and left as the Army advanced. Several had been converted as bunkers by the LTTE. Others had been occupied by the Army. Some are still occupied by the Army.
Basically, there was hardly any house that was in good shape that I saw. Except some that were occupied by the Army.
“The house we built had to be abandoned during the last phase of the war. When we came back, the house had no roofs, windows, doors. There was not much fighting in these areas. Who took these? Why did they take these? What was the connection between war, terrorism, LTTE and the roof, windows and doors of our house?” questioned a Principal of a school close to Killinoch town.
“When we came back (after displacement), we found that roofs, doors, windows of all houses were missing, except one house. The remaining house with roof was because the army had used it as their camp. Valuable household items were also missing” commented a middle age man from Vattapalai, close to Mullativu. Another middle aged man from Katsilaimadu, also close to Mullativu showed visible anger as he told us “I have heard that doors, windows etc. is available for sale. This means selling our own things that were stolen from us. There was no war in these areas, we left everything. Walls of houses are there. But nothing else.”
Education
Along the A9 road and along the interiors, we saw many school children. Some schools buildings had been renovated some had not been repaired after been damaged or abandoned. And there were many classes being held in the open air under trees.
In one of my visits to Thevanpiddy, I was surprised to hear that that the whole Church, the residence of the priest and even the garden was being used for the school, as the school itself had been damaged. In a subsequent visit this week, I learnt that some classes are still conducted inside the Church.
One of my friends from Jaffna, is now teaching in this school. “We do our best to teach our children. But we who try to educate the children have no hostel or proper facilities to stay, while the Army and Police have good buildings” lamented my friend, who stays the weekdays in the makeshift school and travels every weekend to Jaffna to be with his family.
We had the chance to chat with several students, teachers and principals and one Deputy Zonal Director of Education, who I met by coincidence in the train I was travelling to go to Vanni. Below are some of the stories we heard:
•In Panikankulam Government Tamil Mixed School, along the A9 road, we found that there are 19 teachers for 18 students. However, teachers have to travel 2-3 hours, and some even more, from Jaffna and Vavuniya, on a daily basis. A free bus service was provided till the Presidential elections of 26th January, but since then, the teachers have to spend a major portion of their salary for transport.
•But in other schools, there was a clear lack of teachers. One Principal there were no teachers for Mathematics, Science and English
•We met some students (aged 17-18) who had sat for the G.C.E Ordinary Level examination in December 2009, and were now volunteering as substitutes for teachers
•At the time we visited in February, we learnt that only 10 of the 54 schools in the Thunukai division had started. 18 out of 29 were functioning in the Poonagary division.
•At least in two schools, we heard that children walk at least 8km a day (4km either way) to go to school, as there is no bus service or any other transport system
•Some children have also been compelled to travel far to distant schools, as schools in their villages had not reopened
•Several children told us that they had not received text books or even copy books
•We observed that some children were in school uniform, while others were not in uniform. “Many children don’t have uniforms, they have not been given uniforms and parents don’t have livelihoods and can’t afford to buy school uniforms. So we allow them to come without uniform” explained one Principal
•Most of the support for students comes not from the government, but from UN. The UN’s World Food Program (WFP) was providing mid day meals to some school students. One Principal told us the WFP subsidy comprises rice, dhal and cooking oil and is an average of Rs. 2.00 per student
•UNICEF provides most other materials, from mats for children to sit on (both indoors and classes under trees) as well as school bags, books, tools etc.
•Several Principals and teachers also told us about teachers and children who had been killed and injured during the last months of the war. Principals also reported about their students who had been abducted /recruited by the LTTE. One Principal added some students forcibly recruited are now detained by the government
Military restaurants and people’s restaurants
One of the initial sources of livelihood when people went back to villages in the Vanni were the small tea shops that they set up along the A9 road and other roads.
But these were overshadowed by the bigger, better looking and better equipped “Janaavanhalas” (People’s restaurants) put up by the military. Each and every time I go along the A9. There appeared to be more military run restaurants than before. In the small Paranthan junction, there were around 10 such restaurants, run by various divisions, brigades of the military.
“We have nothing, had to start from scratch and wanted to slowly build up business. The Army has the resources to put up big structures, refrigerators, tables, and chairs etc., also people to work. Visitors coming in buses and vans from the south go to the bigger restaurants run by the Army. Most of the visitors are Sinhalese from the south and maybe they prefer to go to the restaurants run by the Sinhalese soldiers. So although thousands of buses and vans go on the A9 road, we have very little business and it’s very difficult to build up and develop our tea shop” was the grievance of one elderly women, at whose small and basic tea shop I had stopped to have some tea.
Military restaurants and people’s restaurants
One of the initial sources of livelihood when people went back to villages in the Vanni were the small tea shops that they set up along the A9 road and other roads.
But these were overshadowed by the bigger, better looking and better equipped “Janaavanhalas” (People’s restaurants) put up by the military. Each and every time I go along the A9. There appeared to be more military run restaurants than before. In the small Paranthan junction, there were around 10 such restaurants, run by various divisions, brigades of the military.
“We have nothing, had to start from scratch and wanted to slowly build up business. The Army has the resources to put up big structures, refrigerators, tables, and chairs etc., also people to work. Visitors coming in buses and vans from the south go to the bigger restaurants run by the Army. Most of the visitors are Sinhalese from the south and maybe they prefer to go to the restaurants run by the Sinhalese soldiers. So although thousands of buses and vans go on the A9 road, we have very little business and it’s very difficult to build up and develop our tea shop” was the grievance of one elderly women, at whose small and basic tea shop I had stopped to have some tea.
Cultivation and fishing
As I visited the Vanni, I was struck by the fertile land and greenery, especially around Adampan. It was refreshing to see that some farmers had already started cultivation in these areas.
However, in most parts of Killinochi and Mullativu, there was no cultivation yet and I heard despairing farmers waiting to start cultivation. Some had received some agricultural tools, but no seeds. Most importantly, many still didn’t have access to their farmland. Some remain occupied by the Army, some areas are claimed to be still not demined and other areas simply declared off limits without reasons.
Fisherfolk on the western coast have been more fortunate in terms of easing of restrictions since the end of the war. Restrictions still apply however, such as around Iranathivu, Periyathivu, Sinnathivu, all of which are occupied by the Navy.
Some fishermen complained to us that the Navy had beaten them. “We thought the restrictions were lifted and went nearby these fertile areas for fishing. But we were beaten by the Navy and told we can’t fish there as the area belongs to the Navy. At least they could have informed us without beating us” was what a group of fisherman told us.
A major problem these people face is the lack of boats and nets, as most of these had been abandoned when they fled for their lives. Most boats and nets were lost, while others are damaged. Some said boats had been stolen. “There were about 250 boats in our village, but now, there are only 3 left” one fisherman told us. Another fisherman told us that they can earn about Rs. 1,000.00 per day when they go fishing, but they only get the chance to go once a week on average, due to lack of boats.
Government servants such as the Grama Sewekas, Divisional and District Secretaries and their staff, health officials, teachers and education officials have also returned to work.
Freedom of Association
The government is also trying to restrict any peaceful mobilization, collective action of empowerment of people in the Vanni.
The Presidential Task Force headed by the President’s brother Basil Rajapakse had granted permission to some NGOs to launch some projects to assist people in need of assistance. “But permission has been granted only to build houses and infrastructure and start income generating activities. Permission has been rejected for counseling, capacity building and empowerment activities. So we are restricted in what we can do” said one head of an NGO based in Mannar, which is keen to assist people in Vanni.
“We tried to start a small association to help people who were helpless. But the army doesn’t allow us to meet” an elderly gentleman told us in Vattapalai, close to the Mullativu town.
So people I met in Vanni are happy that the bombings and shelling have ceased. They are relieved to have been allowed to go back, after multiple displacement and subsequent detention by the government.
But they still face an uncertain and fearful future.
Most people in interior villages live isolated lives, surrounded soldiers they fear. Men live in fear of being abducted or detained. Women and girls live in fear of sexual abuse. They also fear domination of their lives, lands and culture by the Sinhalese and Buddhists.
The Tamils are saddened as the cemeteries of Tamil militants are destroyed and monuments are built by the military and for Sinhalese soldiers
And the despair and fear worsens as the rest of country prepares for a massive celebration of a war victory, while people in the Vanni cry over their dead family members, try to trace their missing family members, try to recover from their injuries, await release of detained family members.
Divisions between Sinhalese & Tamils, North & South become clearer as the Sinhalese in the South celebrate and Tamils in North mourn for the same occasion. If Sri Lanka is a home to one family, where Sinhalese and Tamils are brothers and sisters, what we might see on the occasion of one year since the end of the war is something like having a funeral and a wedding in two rooms of the same house for two children of the same family.
One year after the end of the war, reconciliation would be a hollow and empty word unless concerns such as the above are not addressed.
Arul, interesting stuff!
Thanks Arul
The colonization and subjugation is in full swing in Sri Lanka
Germany-based 50 year old Tamil woman arrested at Katunayake airport for taking part in ‘Anti War’ Demonstrations in Germany.
GoSL arrested a Tamil Woman on her arrival in Colombo at Katunayake Airport in Colombo. She is accused of taking part in demonstrations against the Sri Lankan Government in Germany .
http://www.uktamilnews.com/index.php/
Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapakse has rejected international calls for a war crimes probe.
In an interview with the Al-Jazeera television news network , Rajapakse said he would not tolerate any outside review of the Civil War
“I don’t want my internal matters to be inquired by any other country or any other NGOs. Rajapakse said
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5htHo_XYjFQlVqo04bEgJMXbeXW9w
Bhairav
You are welcome !!
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any-based 50 year old Tamil woman arrested at Katunayake airport for taking part in ‘Anti War’ Demonstrations in Germany.
GoSL arrested a Tamil Woman on her arrival in Colombo at Katunayake Airport in Colombo. She is accused of taking part in demonstrations against the Sri Lankan Government in Germany
http://www.uktamilnews.com/index.php/2010/05/28/germany-based-50-year-old-tamil-woman-arrested-at-katunayake-airport-for-taking-part-in-demonstrations-in-germany/
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Sri Lanka once again they are breaking every international norm.
Vindictive and petty and breaking international law.
‘Not looking for the guilty’ – Kohona
The commission set up by the government is sufficient to investigate the allegations of humanitarian standards and human rights violations say the Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Dr. Palitha Kohona.
Speaking to BBC Tamil Service he said that since Sri Lanka had established a commission of enquiry under the parliamentary act and it has full powers to investigate, there is no need for another international body to do the same.
United Nations and many prominent human rights organisations are calling for an independent international investigation in to war crimes committed during the last stages of the war by both the government forces and the Tamil Tiger rebels.
International body will confuse
“It will be a confusing thing to have another international body to investigate these claims” said Dr Kohona
Pointing out that there is no precedent any where in the world where enquiries had been established by anybody on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations Dr Kohona said “even the ICG report refers to this that and another thing but there is no just substantiation with accurate evidence”.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/sinhala/news/story/2010/05/100527_khona.shtml
No evidence- Kohona
Video footage of alleged abuses were collected
When pointed out that the ICG [International Crisis Group] report quoted sworn affidavits, photographs and video footage of abuses, the ambassador said the evidence was not sufficient to launch any investigation.
In a recent report, International Crisis Group claimed that, from eyewitness evidence, it believes at least 30,000 civilians were killed or unaccounted for and countless others wounded and deprived of food and medicine during the last stage of the war in Sri Lanka. The report also say that there is evidence that government forces intentionally shelled civilians, hospitals and humanitarian operations.
The report of the ICG was followed by another comprehensive report by the Human Rights Watch [HRW]. HRW report also detailed war crimes allegations. The report was illustrated with witness statements and detailed photographs of alleged crimes taking place.
“You should not establish a panel or enquiry on the basis of irresponsible allegations made by organisations” added the ambassador.
Earlier this year, UN secretary General said that his Chief of staff Vijay Nambiar and Dr. Palitha Kohona were having discussions about the UN appointing an advisory panel of experts on human rights abuses in Sri Lanka. The Secretary General confirmed to the media this week that he is in the process of setting up the advisory panel.
According to Ambassador Kohona Sri Lanka’s approach is not to find guilty parties and punish them but to deal with them in old Sri Lankan way.
We don’t go around looking for guilty party and string them up, that attitude comes from a different culture
Dr. Kohona
“We don’t go around looking for guilty party and string them up, that attitude comes from a different culture” Dr Kohona Said.
Dr Kohona who claims the commission as a comprehensive process also said that this commission is similar to South African Truth and Reconciliation commission but not be the same.
“This is our own approach, this is our domestic process and we take responsibility for it” he said
Ambassador Kohona argues that the recommendations by the commission will direct the authorities on how to deal with individuals and groups who may have been responsible for certain acts.
He also reminded that one party to the conflict no longer exist thus this is an exercise not finding guilty party to punish.
“We have established a commission and we are fully confident. So we can deal with our own issues in our own way” he said.
Former UN High Commissioner Louise Arbour, current President of the International Crisis Group [ICG] told the BBC Sinhala Service that the Commission appointed by the government is unresponsive to the allegations of violations raised by the human rights organisations.
When you can, please sigh AI petition
Call on UN to investigate Sri Lanka rights violations.
Amnesty International need at least 50,000 signatuares, but so far only 5446 signatures obtained.
Please forward this link to all your contacts and encourage them to sign.
http://www.amnesty.org/en/appeals-for-action/call-un-investigate-sri-lanka-rights-violations
Thanks
Don't-ask-and-don't-tell policy of Sinhala colonization is in full pace now.
LTTE is the main culprit for the tamil people's suffering. It was LTTE who rejected the piece talks believing that they can get tamil eelam.
LTTE's leadership was arrogant that LTTE can defeat SLGO by going for war.
LTTE is arrogant like current Indian cricket selectors like any Indian Team can beat Zim
SLGO signed few contract with Indian Govenment to develop roads, port, airport, cement plant etc. SLGO also signed with China. All these for the benefit of Tamil people in Jaffna and Vanni.
But these LTTE supporters do not see the benefit. They see always opposite of benefit.
It is better those guys leave SL for western countries leaving ordinary tamils to live in SL peacefully with other races.
There are strong evidence that LTTE killed tamil civilians in the last stages of the war whereas SL army helped civilians to move to safe area. LTTE throw bombs into bunkers packed with tamil civilians.
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